Insight Myanmar

Michael Haack sheds light on the intricate world of US sanctions and their impact on Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprises (MOGE) and the wider Myanmar military regime. Haack, a familiar voice on the podcast, has spent two decades advocating for Myanmar, playing a pivotal role in the passage of the Burma Act.These latest sanctions, as Haack explains, cut off US financial services to MOGE, affecting loans and transfers, which may seem minor but actually have a profound impact. MOGE, being a vital source of foreign exchange for the military, deals primarily in US dollars, making these sanctions more significant than they initially appear. He believes one positive effect is that they will make it harder for the regime to acquire dollars for weapons.However, he says they are ultimately, not a game changer, contrasting them with the EU's more potent sanctions, which compelled even China to divert funds intended for MOGE into escrow. He emphasizes that US sanctions were drafted with Thailand's interests in mind, allowing Myanmar to continue selling gas to its eastern neighbor. Haack hints at the US prioritizing its relations with Thailand over opposing Myanmar's regime, and also notes the influence of corporate lobbying.Haack also points out that the history of US sanctions includes targeting the garment industry, which disproportionately affected vulnerable workers, and how such sanctions often serve as moral victories rather than practical solutions.Haack closes by criticizing what he calls the “semiotic loop,” in which good news from Myanmar is amplified without meaningful change. He highlights the challenge of navigating Myanmar's “low information environment” and the influence of diverse groups, from religious organizations to corporations, in shaping US decisions. Haack's insights reveal the complexities of international sanctions and their implications for Myanmar's ongoing struggle for democracy.

Episode #209: Susan Zaw’s father and grandfather were both military men, and she had never really been a real fan of the National League for Democracy (NLD). But on February 28, shortly after the coup, everything changed. Her neighbor, a taxi driver, accidentally was hit in the neck by a soldier’s stray bullet. He was immediately rushed to the hospital for an emergency operation, but while in recovery, soldiers came and whisked him away. It is common practice for the military to apprehend those who have been injured by soldiers, and then fraudulently charge them with assault. So victims suffer doubly, injured by the military, then arrested for it.Then on March 27, Armed Forces Day, Susan found herself in a large but peaceful protest. The military responded with force, however, killing 30 people. Some of Susan’s friends were arrested, and she, herself, barely escaped to safety. The military claimed that the soldiers had acted in self-defense against a violent mob. It was a blatant lie, and Susan was disgusted.The trauma of those experiences left a deep mark on Susan, and led her to throw her full support behind the democracy movement. She soon became active in raising funds for CDM and PDF groups. Her family initially had reservations, but Susan was determined, and her family relented.Eventually, she was invited to join a group attempting to reach out to soldiers in the hope of finding common ground and reminding them of their empathy. This led to an invitation for her to teach English to defectors, and reach out to their wives as well. Those connections have been so successful that Susan’s group has been tasked with working with the defectors’ wives to make contact with the spouses of those who are still deployed, and convincing them to be on the right side of history.

Panel discussion on why Myanmar's struggle for democracy has been ignored, addressing topics such as challenges in fundraising and support, difficulties faced by the democracy movement, creating positive narratives, leadership and collaboration, cultural tendencies and gratitude, the significance of wearing a ruby, and the extraordinary youth of Myanmar's democracy movement.

Episode #207: Seeking a way to satisfy a growing internal discontent, Nobuko Nakano turned to psychedelics and other drugs, and hard partying in her youth. It was hard for her to stop, even after taking her first vipassana meditation course in the tradition of S.N. Goenka. Finally, though, she felt she had come to a fork in the road, and made the commitment to spend an extended period of time sitting and serving courses at Dhamma Aloka. Becoming more grounded in the practice, she traveled on to India and stayed at the Dhamma Giri, where she also took an extended Pāḷi course.Around that time, she and her partner enrolled in a 45-day vipassana course in Dhamma Sindhu in Gujarat. They had plans of returning to Australia and becoming more committed in their relationship, but on this course, something fundamental shifted in Nobuko; she realized that a relationship commitment in lay life was no longer for her.She ended up in Burma, where she decided to ordain as a nun. The ceremony was surprisingly emotional for her, and even nine months into wearing robes, the pain of having let go of her relationship with her boyfriend was still so acute that one day she decided to disrobe and go back to him, until a senior nun talked her out of it.She dedicated her time in robes to pariyatti study and intensive meditation practice, until several issues started bubbling over from under the surface. First was the disparity in how male and female monastics were treated in Burma. Yet even more egregious was the growing, anti-Muslim propaganda that was starting up (and eventually led to the Rohyinga crisis). She couldn’t reconcile how a community that had been so supportive and generous towards her, and was so committed to following the Buddha’s teachings, could become so hateful and paranoid. Nobuko realized that it was time for her to move on from Myanmar.Nobuko had still not disrobed when she finally returned to Melbourne, and her mother confided to her that she wanted her to return to lay life. She said, “I hadn't lived in the world for nine years, so I gave it some thought, and I decided, ‘How about I give it a shot being back in the world, and try to be a good, wholesome, dhammic person in the lay life, a contributing member in society?’”

Episode #206: Soon after Delphine Schrank arrived in Yangon in 2008 as a Washington Post reporter to cover the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, she realized that life under the brutal military was a big part of the story there. Her curiosity led her to uncover a thriving underground network of dissidents committed to building democracy. Her resulting book, The Rebel of Rangoon, delves into the lives of two main protagonists, Nway and Nigel, offering a nuanced perspective on their sacrifices and struggles.Nway's commitment to the movement stemmed from a pivotal moment in medical school when he chose activism over a comfortable life. Nigel, on the other hand, was initially disillusioned by politics but found his calling during the Saffron Revolution. Delphine also writes about other key figures, such as Win Tin, who dared to speak out against the regime, and Aung San Suu Kyi.The role of Buddhism and meditation in sustaining activists even behind bars is also explored. Delphine dispels the misconception that Burmese Buddhism leads to passivity, highlighting how it strengthens resolve and encourages self-sacrifice.While nonviolent resistance defined the pre-transition period, the post-coup resistance and National Unity Government (NUG) now considere armed resistance as necessary to confront the military's unrelenting duplicity, violence and brutality.“They haven't got to the destination,” she says in closing, “but they're getting there eventually, so I still have huge faith in them. And because of the sacrifice, the understanding of that long struggle, and all the other things that many of them have, and even the Buddhist philosophy underlying all this, they're going to get there, it just might not be in their own lifetimes. And some of them are willing to accept that. But they're going fight like hell until they get there and lose a lot of people along the way.”

Jason Tower, country director for the Burma program at the United States Institute of Peace (USIP), exposes the dark underbelly of an operation that ensnares hundreds of thousands of people into a form of modern-day slavery across Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, and the Philippines, forcing them to act as scammers in this multibillion dollar “industry.”Describing these scams as “pig butchering” because they’re designed to lead unaware dupes to the slaughter, Tower reveals a highly organized criminal network that resembling modern IT companies employing advanced technology, AI, and fintech to deceive victims globally, and which also engages in prostitution, illegal narcotics, and organ harvesting. The kingpins behind this lucrative industry invest heavily in creating legitimate fronts, as well as fraudulent crypto schemes. Owned by wealthy clans with ties to the Myanmar military and partly protected by junta-aligned Border Guard Forces, these centers help fund the military regime.The relationship between the scam centers and the Myanmar military poses challenges for Beijing, because many of those trapped into acting as scammers being held in horrible conditions are Chinese nationals. This has caused some speculation that China may even have tacitly approved the recent Operation 1027.The recent release of 31,000 victims and arrests of key actors offer a glimmer of hope amid this sordid business, but a grim reality persists—75% of Myanmar's scam center victims remain in bondage, and security forces, complicit in the criminal enterprise, have resorted to violence against those attempting to escape."The point here is, we've got a major global crisis on our hands that extends way beyond Myanmar, and many people in Myanmar are being victimized by this,” Tower says in closing. “This is something that's playing a role in violent conflict in Myanmar, but it's also something that's touching people and harming people all around the world!”

Episode #205: In a world where representation and diversity are more critical than ever, Aishah Shahidah Simmons unveils the little known story of Dr. Leon Wright, a remarkable African-American professor who served as the US Cultural Attaché in Rangoon from 1955-57, and who was authorized to teach meditation by the great meditation master, Sayagyi U Ba Khin.Aishah's own quest for representation within meditation traditions dovetailed perfectly with her discovery of Wright, a hidden gem in the history of vipassana meditation. His story is one of resilience, achievement, and a testament to the possibility of breaking barriers in a deeply segregated era. Wright's journey from orphanhood to becoming a distinguished professor and diplomat is nothing short of inspiring, and his work with meditation, spirituality and healing at a time in American culture when none of these were commonplace makes his story all the more unique and compelling.Aishah notes how Wright’s accomplishments predate the Civil Rights movement, challenging the notion of who could excel in a world divided by racial prejudice. And she wonders why Wright’s unique and amazing story is so little known today.. Her journey to discover and share this hidden legacy has been a deeply personal and spiritual experience. “I feel like Reverend Dr. Wright is very much with me, and I feel very close to his spirit,” Aishah says in closing. “I have a lot of gratitude for Reverend Dr. Leon Wright, and for Sayagyi U Ba Khin, just tremendous gratitude in terms of my practice, and thinking about all of the all the ways that he's influenced me. I feel like I'm a part of that cycle or sphere of energy that came from U Ba Khin, which obviously came from people who proceed from U Ba Khin as well.”

You're listening to a Special Release episode of Insight Myanmar Podcast. In the aftermath of Operation 1027, a pivotal military action initiated by the Three Brotherhood Alliance, and further supported by a coalition of ethnic fighters and PDF units, Myanmar is undergoing a transformative moment and so we are launching this series in response.Our guest is Matthew Arnold, an academic and independent policy analyst specializing in politics, governance, and peace and conflict, with extensive experience in Myanmar and a background encompassing roles at The Asia Foundation, academic research, and with the UN World Food Program in various conflict zones and humanitarian crises.Arnold notes that Myanmar now stands at a critical juncture, marked by 33 months of both armed and peaceful resistance against military dictatorship. He describes how Operation 1027, executed by competent and strategically inclined Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), reflects a carefully considered move based on the evolving trajectory of the conflict. In his view, the junta, facing widespread and entrenched resistance, lacks the depth to recover, evidenced by its inability to launch significant counter-offensives.To Arnold, the pro-democracy resistance, a bottom-up revolt evolving into a national uprising for federal democracy, remains steadfast despite criticisms and flaws. The junta's brutal tactics have ignited an unquenchable fire of revolution, and its continued atrocities are unlikely to shift the tide. Arnold boldly predicts that the democratic movement, now viable and ascendant, is poised for outright victory within the next 3 to 6 months, shaping a post-conflict peace that, while potentially messy, is distinguished by social goodwill and solidarity among the Myanmar people.Amid calls for international support, Arnold urges an open-minded approach, emphasizing Myanmar's potential for positive collective change and dismissing notions of irreparable fracture. In his view, Operation 1027 serves as a catalyst, signaling a ray of hope in a dark world, inviting contemplation, preparation, and celebration of the impending collapse of the genocidal junta.

Episode #204: Ashin Kovida, a prominent pro-democracy Buddhist monk, shares his remarkable journey from a remote village with no electricity to becoming a fervent advocate for democracy and human rights. His story is one of growth and transformation. He initially questioned foreign political concepts like democracy, and was against Aung San Suu Kyi, but later embraced the ideal of democracy and came to greatly admire her, especially after secretly reading her book Freedom From Fear. He continued to educate himself by listening to BBC and VOA, and engaging in discussions with visiting tourists.Ashin Kovida's deep-rooted belief in the teachings of the Buddha has also led him to challenge the oppressive military regime in Myanmar. He emphasizes the importance of democratic principles and the need for governments to respect the will of the people—and reinforces this argument by referencing stories from the Buddha’s life and the core of his spiritual teachings. Ashin Kovida’s forward thinking extends to education as well, advocating for a broader curriculum in monastic education, one that includes subjects like math and English as well as Western philosophy and psychology, in order to make Buddhist teachings more relevant to a modern and diverse audience.Ashin Kovida is not shy in offering his criticisms of Burmese monks who align with the regime. He also calls out the role of Western media for focusing on extremist Buddhist messaging while not reporting on the more progressive elements of the Saṅgha.At a time when some wonder where the faith is heading while caught in the current strife, his answer is very clear. “Buddhism doesn't need to go anywhere! Ledi Sayadaw, was a revolutionist,” he asserts, referring to the famous 19th century monk, adding that many at the time accused him of being Communist, so radical were his ideas. “We worry about losing Buddhism, which is against the Buddhist teaching, but we don't need to worry,” he asserts. “Worrying about losing the Buddha's teaching is not the way to the Buddha's teaching! If you want to follow the Buddha's teaching, just practice, that's it!

Special Release: Vladmir Lenin once said, “There are decades where nothing happens, and there are weeks when decades happen.” At this moment, in the wake of Operation 1027, Myanmar is going through one of these weeks. We now find ourselves in a complex, fluid, fast-moving and high-stakes situation, one which may well very well decide the fate of the country, so we are rushing the production of related interviews to provide listeners with informed, up-to-date analyses.Our inaugural episode in this series kicks off with Kyaw Hsan Hlaing, who provides an overview of the political context in Rakhine state, detailing the history of the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD), the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP), the Arakan National Party (ANP), and the Arakan Front Party (AFP). He describes the often-fraught relations that the Rakhine people have had over the years with the Burmese military, the Bamar-majority National League for Democracy (NLD), and the Rohingya minority. He also explains the origins of the powerful Arakan Army (AA) and its political affiliate, the United League of Arakan (ULA), delving into their relations with the National Unity Government (NUG), why they initially agreed to a post-coup truce with the State Administration Council (SAC), but then why they have so dramatically broken that truce to join Operation 1027.In closing, Kyaw Hsan Hlaing posits that contrary to the opinions of some analysts, the AA/ULA is deeply invested not only in crushing the Burmese military, but also in establishing a strong federal democracy. He describes how the high-stakes gamble that the AA took in joining the operation is very much in line with this aim. He closes by noting that if they make it through the present challenges and the military is defeated, the country has a real chance to become a stable democracy, which will benefit not only the Rakhine people, but all the citizens of Myanmar.