Insight Myanmar

Episode #141: Jon rejoins us one year following his interview last year, and straight away expresses how his original hopes for a nonviolent solution were somewhat naïve. In the past year, he has come to realize that he either must submit passively to military rule or fight back aggressively. So Jon has personally been involved in both non-violent and guerilla activities. The midst of all this, he maintains a meditation practice, which has helped him balance the traumatic experiences he now faces. However, he puts it in perspective. “I still do all my Buddhist practice. But when we're at war, we do our spiritual stuff, but then we still fight to kill the enemies.”Indeed, this has been a somewhat confusing time for many Burmese Buddhist activists, as some prominent—and previously highly revered—monks appear quite hypocritical, sermonizing about morality and not killing, for example, while either supporting the murderous military outright or at least happy enough to take large donations from them.  This connects to the fault lines now appearing in Burmese Buddhism following the military’s manipulation of the Saṅgha, and their attempts to pervert the clergy into sponsoring nationalist messages.Jon’s analysis of the present state of the resistance movement is grounded in his own, on-the-ground perspective. “We are not winning yet, but they're losing for sure!” At the same time, he also points out some of the less reported-on kinds of devastation that the coup has wrought, such as alcohol, drug addiction or mental health issues, which he sees as coping mechanisms to extreme stress and trauma. He adds that life has become particularly fraught for the younger generation, many of whom have been randomly assaulted and/or arrested by the military.While Jon and his friends have all but given up on international organizations coming to their aid, he still hopes that individuals who are allies around the world will continue to stand by their cause. “If you see someone who is close to Myanmar, talk about it,” he says. “And then if you see someone who doesn't know Myanmar, educate them about it! I think that's the only way that we can push the story of Myanmar forward.”

Episode #140: Better Burma, in partnership with One Light Global, was proud to host "Myanmar's Voices for Freedom,” a panel discussion that bought together five, dynamic, Burmese nationals, each resisting the military regime in Myanmar in their own unique way. This full panel discussion has been modified into podcast format, and can be listened to here.The discussion explored a wide variety of topics: the Rohingya crisis, issues regarding the country’s marginalized groups and ethnic minorities, gender equality and LGBT+ rights, the role of the international community, how allies can rally to support the democracy movement, public school education, Burmese Buddhism and the practice of meditation, and how art and creative expression have been used to resist military tyranny.In addition to exploring these topics, the forum was created to help fundraise for two important missions: providing education in Mizoram to refugee children, and supporting villages in the Sagaing Division that were victims of military aggression.

Episode #139: After Bhikkhuni Vimala (they/their) learned about military coup in Myanmar, they wanted to find a way to express their feelings against it. They ultimately landed on the idea of encouraging their monastic friends abroad to take a picture with their alms bowl overturned, since Burmese monastics would likely face arrest and torture for making such a statement. “Even just a simple action like turning over the alms bowl… could get you in prisons or even killed” they explain. An overturned alms symbolizes a monk or nun’s disagreement with the actions of a group of lay supports who have done something that egregiously broke their precepts.Their campaign received an immediate if unexpected boost from such noted monastics as Bhikkhu Analayo and Bhikkhu Bodhi, who immediately sent in images of themselves with overturned alms bowls, and many more followed. Speaking on the subject of Engaged Buddhism, Bhikkhuni Vimala feels first and foremost, that it is essential for the practitioner to continue gaining inner wisdom through insight practice. “You have to find the truth within yourself,” they say. “But while doing so, you notice greater compassion for other people! This is what's often called ‘compassion in action.’” Bhikkhuni Vimala continues, “I think it's really important to help our fellow people in Myanmar. Because how can [people] sit quietly on a cushion and meditate, and pretend that all these things are not going on?... I think it is very important to help people to come to a place where they can practice the Buddhist teachings, and make sure that as Buddha's teachings also live on.”

Episode #138: “Almost everything was propaganda,” Paing comments, reflecting on his childhood growing up in Yangon. His release came in the form of artistic expression through music, largely influenced by Western bands and singers. He describes his songs as being gloomy and melancholic, which also characterizes his feelings about the recent, turbulent events in his country. Recently, however, Paing has been unable to write new music, nor even play his old tracks, because he is still recovering from the trauma of what he witnessed soon after the coup broke in Hlaing Thayar, his hometown. March 15, 2021, Paing watched from his rooftop balcony, as the military brutally assault protesters. Powerless, he saw people falling from injuries and others being killed outright, a memory which he feels has scarred him for life.Paing has been disappointed by both the lackluster international support as well as the leadership of the NUG. With diplomacy failing, he hopes that resistance fighters having better access to weapons can also help. However, as someone who still believes in the principles of non-violence, he is conflicted on this issue, especially as he realizes that a post-Tatmadaw world must include those former soldiers. “You can’t kill everyone that opposes any new idea,” he notes. “You have to see things on a human level, instead of just using guns.”Paing knows the way forward will not be easy. “Again, I'm a pessimist,” he says, laughing. “So I think everything that can go wrong, will go wrong. But the worst thing that could happen is the military winning.”

Episode #137: A lifelong Czech diplomat and currently Ambassador to Austria, Jiří Šitler talks about his career and the interesting ties between his country and Myanmar.He first official task was to negotiate terms for German compensation of Czech citizens who had been victims of forced labor and Nazi war crimes. After this, he was given the Ambassadorship to Thailand. This led to further ambassadorships in Laos, and Cambodia, and eventually the post of Director for Asia in the Czech Foreign Ministry.Šitler describes how Czech President President Havel was sympathetic to the growing Burmese aspirations for democracy. Havel helped get Aung San Suu Kyi nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. Their efforts were successful, and she and Havel continued their correspondence until Havel’s death in 2011.In May 2001, Šitler was appointed the Czech Ambassador to Myanmar. Because the Czech mission was so explicitly focused on human rights and democracy, the military regime was openly hostile at times. After Šitler left Myanmar in 2005, he stayed actively involved in the country.Stressing that he is speaking personally and not in any official capacity, Šitler feels there is a very compelling case for providing weapons to the resistance. He has also been heartened by the solidarity he has seen among democracy activists, even as he’s been horrified by the level of violence the military has used against its own people.Šitler is uniquely well-positioned to analyze the road to reconciliation in a post-Tatmadaw Myanmar. He thinks that military commanders who massacre civilian population shouldn't be pardoned. “But at the same time, you need to move forward somehow. So it's all always a question of measure, right?”  Although Šitler has traveled the world through his role as diplomat, his experiences in Myanmar stand out above all else. “This incredible commitment to the cause of freedom and democracy where people are risking so much, and still fighting and risking their lives, spending decades in prison… It was like the thoughts and approach of Václav Havel but in another part of the world.”

Episode #136: “I usually do what I want,” Nyein admits openly. Somewhat unusual for a woman in traditional Burmese culture, it is an attitude Nyein cultivated during the democratic transition period of the 2010s. Since the coup, she has become quite possibly the country’s only female photojournalist, one who has captured some of the most violent examples of military oppression. However, she has never been able to quite escape from the confining limitations of gender discrimination still plaguing her culture.When the coup was launched, Nyein was in the capital of Nay Pyi Daw, and came upon a tank parked on a street. She snapped a photograph of it which became an important image in visually confirming the military’s actions that day even as the generals were trying to downplay the military’s presence in the city.Back in Yangon, Nyein documented the non-violent protests that were growing in size. And although the protests were dangerous for everyone, besides standing out as a female photojournalist, her dedication to her profession made it extra risky because when the police began to crack down, she often chose to stay behind doing her job until the last possible moment.But her terrifying experience on March 14th, 2021, in Hlaing Thayar changed everything. She was trapped among the protesters when the military suddenly opened fire, and Nyein saw bodies falling all around her. Eventually she managed to find an apartment balcony where she hid while continuing to capture what was happening below.That experience led to a complete mental breakdown. She turned to meditation, aromatherapy, consulting with a psychologist, and ultimately had to take serious medication. Eventually, because of an increase police presence and her growing reputation as a female photojournalist, she no longer felt safe staying at her home and began changing where she slept every night.  Then one day, she sadly came to the realization that she needed to leave Myanmar. The day of her departure at the Yangon Airport was nerve-wracking, as she was convinced she was going to be apprehended and arrested before her flight took off. Fortunately, she managed to get out safely.Now in Thailand, Nyein’s determination to seek her own path is as resolute as ever. “If you're really interested in photography,” she says, “whether something about your gender, whether you're gay, you just have to have to follow your dreams.”

Episode #135: “We just felt like we knew Myanmar, and it didn't seem like a foreign place to us.” So says Tamara Edwards, currently the Center Teacher at Dhamma Pabha, a vipassana meditation center in the tradition of S.N. Goenka.A chance encounter led Tamara to her first course in 1990. The teachings stuck, and she became dedicated to the practice. Together she and her Dhamma partner, Jamie, sat and served courses. After taking two years away to earn a livelihood, they felt they needed to reorient their life back towards meditation. So in 2012 they enrolled in a 30-day course in Myanmar.They also traveled widely throughout the country, particularly those sites in the lineage of S.N. Goenka. Eventually, they found a sense of home and community at the Webu Sayadaw Monastery in Ingyinbin, which she describes as “the most peaceful place on Earth.”  After repeated extended visits to the monastery, Tamara came to feel she wanted to take a deeper plunge, and so decided to ordain as a nun there. Doing so opened up her practice as well as her interactions within the community in ways she never could have anticipated. Tamara later decided to don robes a second time, and following her return to lay life, she felt fulfilled in this particular aspiration.Tamara finds something ironic, and deeply tragic, about recalling these memories now. “I felt so helpless [when the coup started] that there was absolutely nothing we could do,” she notes. “But I couldn't turn away from it!” Eventually her obsession began unbalancing her mind, and so Tamara had to take steps to limit how much she was following the latest news, while still trying to be in touch with close friends and giving donations to nonprofits.  Her practice is also of great help during these difficult times.

Episode #134: Liv Gaborit, a Danish social scientist with a background in psychology, conducted a groundbreaking study about intensive vipassana meditation retreats offered in the tradition of S. N. Goenka in notorious, overcrowded, Insein prison.Gaborit was told a story about a high-level military figure who regretted his bloody actions in suppressing the 1988 democratic uprising. Seeking spiritual salvation, he traveled to India, where he took a course in the Goenka tradition and was determined to bring it back to the prison system in Myanmar.Gaborit’s study centered on the experience of hearing voices in solitary confinement versus during a meditation retreat. Solitary confinement can lead to a range of hallucinations and mental disorders; while during intensive meditation, seeing and hearing from invisible beings can be understood as a deepening practice. Another important factor that Gaborit points to is the presence of metta, or loving-kindness. When political prisoners hear voices on meditation courses, metta is in the environment and cushions the experience, while in solitary, it is quite a different story. For the political prisoners on the prison course, Gaborit says that the result of that positive energy was remarkable, while for the monk, the lack of being able to receive or practice metta no doubt contributed to his mental imbalance.What began as a research project has transformed into something far larger for Gaborit: her own life trajectory has been radically altered. After the coup, Gaborit left her position in academia to become a full-time activist, and co-founded Myanmar Action Group Denmark.

Episode #133: Zach Abuza, a professor at the National War College who shared his analysis of the Burmese military in our previous discussion, now turns his attention to the resistance movement.While initially the concern about the Peoples’ Defense Force [PDFs] was that they were well -intentioned yet poorly trained individuals going up against a ruthless and brutal military, much has changed since. Every one of the country’s 330 townships now boasts at least one PDF unit, and they have steadily increased their supply of materiel. The PDFs were created “bottom-up,” with people coming together organically for the purpose of self-defense. Thus, most PDFs are regional, largely funded by the population they have been set up to protect, and from whom they derive their sense of legitimacy. But this “horizontal network” creates organizational and coordination challenges much more challenging, and chain of command unwieldy.  The concern now is how to best manage them.To try and impose discipline across the resistance, the NUG has tried to extract at least some kind of nominal pledge from these groups that they fight solely for the purpose of resisting the military, with the eventual goal of creating a federal democracy. However, this has become somewhat more challenging by the fact that the NUG has almost nothing to offer these now semi-autonomously functioning units in return for their allegiance—neither funds, nor arms, nor strategic military advice, nor on-the-ground leadership. Whatever challenges remain in this regard, Abuza is amazed at the spirit and courage the PDFs have shown.Like many people, Abuza is keen to envision a post-Tatmadaw Myanmar, yet he is not optimistic by what he sees. “I could easily see the NUG winning the war and losing the peace, because they are unable to fulfill the aspirations of the EAOs and establish a true federal democracy.” Moreover, he wonders what would happen to these hundreds of PDF organizations throughout the country, which by that time will have become well-armed, effective fighting forces.

Episode #132: Zach Abuza, a columnist at Radio Free Asia and a professor at the National War College in Washington, DC, provides his analysis of the tactical and strategic situation facing the Tatmadaw nearly two years into their attempted coup.He debunks several theories regarding the Burmese military. One is the size of the Burmese military, which he believes is much smaller than is often assumed, and is now showing signs of strain. There is also an increasing number of defections, and Abuza estimates that around 15% of the Tatmadaw’s soldiers have been killed, wounded, or defected.In the past, the military relied on an urban Bamar population who could at worst be counted on to tacitly support their incursions into ethnic territories. Now, however, Abuza says, “The people are not being cowed into submission…it's got to drive Min Aung Hlaing and Soe Win absolutely batshit that the population continues to resist the military every day!” People with almost nothing still manage to give whatever they can to the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs), a clear sign of how determined they are to continue to sacrifice in hopes of seeing the military defeated once and for all.  In terms of the military’s resources, on the one hand, Abuza notes that helicopters are the biggest threat to the resistance efforts, and their munitions are produced in-country. However, Abuza has seen a decrease in the number of mortars being launched into villages, indicating that they are concerned about their depleting stocks.With all this in mind, Abuza feels it is critical for the PDFs to begin avoiding direct conflict in favor of “fighting the military's ability to wage war. They have to concentrate on the increasingly depleted logistics network.” His main concern is the resistance’s ability to sustain their efforts, since the Tatmadaw still benefits from relationships with China and Russia.