Insight Myanmar

Episode #171: Tempel Smith, a meditation teacher who is also an active, committed social activist, is used to finding a balance among differing perspectives, points of view and ideologies. This can be traced back to his childhood, with two very different parents with two very different world outlooks.Tempel went to Reed College in Portland, Oregon, where he began volunteering to support environmental conservation, and after a nearby abortion center was bombed, he took up that cause as well. Eventually he traveled down to Nevada to join a large protest at a nuclear site, which turned violent. It caused him to start questioning how he was processing it all. “I'm so angry at the way things are, and I'm so impatient. I'm trying to be peaceful, but it's all I can do is stop myself from reacting!”Through the behavior modeled by other committed activists, however, he eventually realized his path was that of peaceful engagement. The question was how to pursue it. By then he knew that academic study could not provide any of the answers he was looking for. On a visit home, a neighbor told him about a recent course he had taken at the nearby Insight Meditation Society, and so Tempel signed up for a nine-day silent course.It was very impactful experience for him. A year later he headed back to another retreat, and he knew by then he had found his practice. Tempel began to do more intensive retreats, joining courses in the Mahasi and Goenka traditions.But now the danger was that he was becoming a “retreat dweller;” moving on from one intensive experience to the other while getting further and further away from the past social engagement that was once so important to him. And once again, he felt in a tense limbo between two very divergent communities: while his yogi friends found his activism a distraction from the real work of insight, his activist friends dismissed meditation as a selfish pursuit. He eventually found inspiration about how to reconcile all this in the writings of the Vietnamese monk, Thich Nhat Hanh. To go deeper into the practice, he decided to visit Myanmar to practice under Sayadaw U Pandita and Pa Auk Sayadaw.

Episode #170: May Wynn Maung is a well-known Burmese actress that now lives in the United States. Her father was a long-time Army officer who also worked in the government. His maxim was the importance of doing one’s duty, to do as one was told without question regardless of how one felt personally about it.This outlook bound the way she lived in Myanmar, through protests and during her acting career. But little by little, censorship decisions about movies she acted in became increasingly ludicrous. It wasn’t until she came to the United States where she “found her voice,” as it were. Now, she speaks out against the military and does fundraising for the democracy movement, and still acts as well. She also has continued a vipassana practice. In speaking of this, she references famous monks in Myanmar who seem to be teaching that people should just accept military rule, which she finds disheartening. Because of all the hardships the people of Myanmar are facing, she strongly feels that monastics should be involved in the movement for freedom and democracy.

Episode #169: Today’s discussion looks at the Burmese military’s on-going, devastating airstrikes from a slightly different angle: What helps the jets get in the sir? Amnesty International’s Montse Ferrer joins us to explain the process of how jet fuel gets into the country.Myanmar does not have the technology to refine crude oil into international grade aviation fuel, so the military needs to import it. It uses a grade of fuel that is typically meant for commercial aviation so it can be freely traded. Ferrer and her colleagues tracked every shipment of jet fuel that has arrived following the coup, and found that all of them arrived at the Thilawa Port in Than Lyin outside of Yangon, in a process that might involve 20 different oil companies in a single shipment, and with insurance and ship ownership factored in, involving as many as 100 entities overall.Out of all these players, Trafigura, one of the world’s largest independent oil and petroleum products traders, is the major figure. They benefited from an exclusive contract some years ago to build up Myanmar’s ports infrastructure, including Thilawa. The fuel is transported from the port by one of Trafigura’s affiliates…which is linked to the military regime.Cutting off Myanmar’s fuel imports would cripple the country’s non-military air traffic. For their part, energy company executives claim they are selling their product legally, and have no prior knowledge of, and certainly no control over, the military’s decisions about using the fuel. However, Ferrer believes that oil company executives probably do know what is happening, at least to some degree. But suspecting something to be true and proving it in a court of law are two different things. Sanctions are also always a discussion point, but need to be evaluated very carefully by the international community as to their possible “unintended consequences.”Ferrer does note that, amazingly, most of the companies named in their recent report have not taken part in further shipments of jet fuel to Myanmar. Yet she can’t conclusively affirm that any less jet fuel is entering the country, either. And given the large stockpiles of fuel that the military likely has access to, one can’t even speculate that their ability to launch airstrikes has decreased in any appreciable way.

Episode #168: Shade’s story is a kind of microcosm of how thousands of Burmese and foreign allies have involved themselves in ways they could scarcely have imagined before 2021, while also shining a light on the many members of the Burmese diaspora who have been using their freedom and safety to do whatever they can for those struggling back in Myanmar. “We have to play our parts and do whatever we can. It may be small. It could be very small. But just doing anything that you can to stand up against a coup, I think that's the most important thing,” he says.Shade describes how hard the Sagaing region, in particular, has been hit by the military’s aggression, and how people there continue to bravely resist military rule. This, in turn, has provoked the military into trying to beat them even more brutally into submission. Shade soon realized that providing emergency medical care was one of Sagaing’s most critical needs, but he had no experience or knowledge in this field, let alone the logistics of providing care in a hot conflict zone. So he immersed himself in learning all he could to get his mission up and running as soon as possible, and with friends, founded the organization Healing Hands. Their initiative now administers local training courses that cover basic medical care and first aid—to date, 150 people have graduated their program! They also worked to establish and stock basic medical stations throughout the region that are overseen by these graduates.The military demands that humanitarian aid coming into the country needs to be administered through them directly, and they will only support local organizations officially registered with their regime. This situation has caused much debate among large aid organizations, who typically take a cookie-cutter approach. However, Shade strongly advocates that local organizations with a proven track record of on-the-ground success within Myanmar’s unique context, and not tied to the military, be supported."If [these large aid organizations] try to give aid money via the military, they're going to use it to buy weapons! That's the reality. That's what they have to face if they try if they're trying to deliver any sort of aid to the military, and if think that's going to be effective, they're deluded!”

Episode #167: Steve Smith’s first meditation teacher was Mahasi Sayadaw. He visited the Sayadaw’s rural Seikkhun monastery back in 1977. Steve was moved by how the great teacher embodied centuries of monastic wisdom and discipline, while at the same time making great strides to spread the teachings beyond the monastic order—an unprecedented act at that time. “The feeling around him was vastness and void. This radiating presence and emptiness at the same time. It was indescribable, but very powerful, kind of a goosebump energy.”Several years later, the country started allowing longer stays for foreign meditators, and Steve went to Bodghaya to undertake lower ordination under the renowned teacher, Taungpulu Sayadaw, before becoming a full bhikkhu under Mahasi Sayadaw. “He was just as I remembered him, this incredible presence, sense of vastness and yet transparent personality, like no sense of self-centeredness or self-importance or anything but this pure transmission of these liberating teachings.”After a brief trip home, Steve returned to ordain under Sayadaw U Pandita, whom he had been drawn to from their first meeting. Although U Pandita didn’t teach many foreigners at that time, he dedicated himself to Steve’s training, and the results were profound. “I felt like there was nothing he couldn't see about me.... I trusted this person quite quickly, more than I had ever trusted anyone in my life.”Beyond U Pandita’s powerful meditation guidance, Steve also gained inspiration by observing the Sayadaw’s interactions in society. Steve relates such an example, when U Pandita turned his back to Khin Nyunt, the dreaded chief of military intelligence, when the latter was trying to offer him requisites.U Pandita was also Aung San Suu Kyi’s primary meditation guide. Since they shared the same teacher, Steve developed a close friendship with her and her family. But because of this friendship, the military had blacklisted Steve from returning to the country for many years.However, when Sayadaw U Pandita passed away in 2016, Steve was allowed to join a small handful of foreign disciples who traveled to Yangon for the ceremony.The gifts of Myanmar have filled Steve’s life in ways he never would have anticipated. “I think Burma's great gift to the world has been the Dhamma, either directly through these ordained monastics, or in the way it's influenced nearby Southeast Asian countries. It's inspired this Western surge of interest in Dhamma practice and training.”

Episode #166: Han Gyi, a coordinator at the Network for Human Rights Documentation, also known as ND-Burma, joins us today to talk about the organization’s work, which focuses on human rights documentation; accountability and the utilization of data to seek justice, truth, and reparations.ND-Burma’s work emphasizes what is called “transitional justice,” which Han Gyi c defines as the “myriad of ways a country tries to deal with mass human rights violations that have been committed on its soil. It aims to deliver justice to the victims through accountability and redress, which in turn can contribute to building a society that respects the rule of law and guards against the same abuses happening again.” One key aspect of transitional justice is reparations. Interestingly, he notes how just “symbolic satisfaction” can often a critical step for victims in healing psychological wounds and for rebuilding their lives. Victims also routinely express a wish to receive a guarantee that such violations will not occur again. But Han Gyi notes that ensuring non-recurrence is only possible through institutional reform, which has proven impossible for decades in Myanmar, and is certainly not a likelihood now. Han Gyi sadly acknowledges that following the coup, the domestic judicial system has become completely unreliable, used subject to the whims of the military regime. As a result, ND-Burma has sought to work for international accountability, such as taking violations to the International Criminal Court. Still, rights violations will only continue to occur if there are no changes to the system. Although transitional justice remains an urgent priority for the country, Han Gyi says that there first must be an end to violence. The establishment of military rule has led to a “collapse of sociopolitical economic rights, numerous violations by junta troops, the killing, detainment, and arrest of thousands of civilians, and millions of people internally displaced due in part due to the destruction and arson of civilian structures.”

Episode #165: Toe Zaw Latt, a journalist currently with Mizzima talks with us about access to communications in Myanmar.Before the arrival of mobile phones and internet in the country, one of the few options for communication was the telephone, when whole apartment complexes or entire villages might have to make do with only one or two. A private phone line was usually possible just for senior military figures or their cronies. Because the military actively monitored phone use, the Burmese teashop took on an outsized role as a workaround communications hub.The internet arrived in Myanmar in the early 2000s, and within a decade, the Burmese online space had exploded to about 30 million users. General Min Aung Hlaing understood the danger that such free access to information posed to his plans to take over the country, and on the morning of the coup, he suddenly closed down all the country’s mobile networks and blocked the signals of independent media. The military has tried to monitor communications as much as possible, putting up firewalls to prevent access to sites they consider dangerous or provocative.They also employ rolling blackouts that severely restrict access to news, coupled with massive, targeted disinformation campaigns to further confuse people. Activists have had to fall back on more old-fashioned strategies such as shortwave radio, as well as human carriers.Toe Zaw Latt believes there is one communication tool that would have a dramatic impact on the fortunes of the democracy movement: Starlink, the satellite internet technology developed by Elon Musk. The military would have no control over this network, so Starlink would truly be a game-changer: communities could be warned before violent military assault, it could also help in organizing humanitarian missions on the ground, and provide life-saving access to medicine and food.Finally, Toe Zaw Latt says that the Tatmadaw is most afraid of its own soldiers getting access to the internet. Getting uncensored information is the impetus for many defections. So providing internet to those still serving could open the floodgates of soldiers ready to put down their weapons.

Episode #164: Yunanda Wilson has warm memories not only of the scrumptious fish noodle dish—known as mohinga—that her grandmother was famous for, but also its place in her family history. Her grandmother was an amazing cook and ran a market stall in Yangon that sold a variety of snacks, and the whole family would go each morning to help her run it.Yunanda is following in her grandmother’s footsteps, recently launching a career for herself in Asheville, North Carolina, to showcase Burmese cuisine. Calling her company A Thoke Lay, she has a food truck and also caters events, with dreams of one day owning a brick and mortar.Historically, she goes on to explains how Chinese, Indian, and Thai foods have found their way into Burmese recipes, ultimately describing Burmese cuisine as a kind of Southeast Asia fusion, albeit with a handful of unique dishes like mohinga, fermented tea leaves, and the variety of salads. She describes it as a creative cuisine that balances heat, acid, texture, umami, color, and presentation.Yunanda also notes how for many Burmese, the realities of poverty and living in fear of the military play a role in how people eat. For example, when the Burmese can’t afford meat or fish, they improvise by adding protein such as chickpea flour, beans, and nuts. And although one might think that living in a state of fear and poverty would bring about greater selfishness in order to survive, Yunanda says it is the exact opposite, as the Burmese people are some of the most generous people in the world.In closing, Yunanda describes how she wants to “help spread awareness about what's going on in our country, and shed some light on our resilience culture and what are we facing now. I feel this is my way, my path, to helping it

Episode #163: Jack Jenkins Hill, a PhD student at the University College London, joins the show to discuss the state of capitalism and the deteriorating environment in Myanmar. Hill has spent the last decade studying such issues as deforestation, mining, and natural resource governance, as well as how indigenous communities have been impacted in Myanmar.Since the colonial era, Burma has had a sorry history of exploitation of its natural resources. The British engaged in massive logging, while in the last decade, deforestation has largely come in the guise of agribusiness, such as palm oil and rubber plantations. There are also smaller, illegal logging operations whose lumber is smuggled across the border. The widespread clear-cutting—both legal and illegal—has led mass displacement of communities.Gold, silver, tin and jade mining operations are also rampant, and more recently rare earth metals have been mined, all with no regard for the environment. The toxic processes used poison the surrounding area, displacing many communities.Greed and lawlessness in post-coup Myanmar exacerbates the problems now being faced by those in the country, but may even give rise to more far-reaching implications, since this destructive cycle in Myanmar impacts worldwide climate change.  For example, Myanmar is home to some of the largest contiguous rain forests in Southeast Asia, so their destruction would have a domino effect for both climate change, and also species extinctions.  Hill describes his outlook on the future as bleak. “I don't know when a breaking point or a critical point will come… But unless something changes quickly, I'm sure we'll reach it, probably sooner than we expect.”

Episode #162: Pardis Mahdavi, Provost and Executive Vice-President as well as professor of anthropology at the University of Montana, joins the conversation to talk about the growing discontent and protests in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which shares several similarities with the situation in Myanmar. Professor Mahdavi describes an interesting dynamic that arose in the mid-20th century: the Iranian people’s growing disgust with what they call “westoxification,” a term referring to the Pahlavi Shahs’ infatuation with Western cultures, and their push for changes within Iranian society which often went against Iranian Islamic social and cultural mores. The motto was “Iran for Iranians.” Ayatollah Khomeini became the most popular and inspirational of the anti-Shah voices, giving a very Islamic face to the Iranian people’s discontent. However, after the 1979 Revolution, the Islamic government grew more brutal and repressive, instituted the Morality Police, engaged in the catastrophic Iran-Iraq War, etc. History began to repeat itself, as popular discontent festered under the surface and then eventually burst out into the open, much like it had under the Pahlavi regime.  The situations in Myanmar and Iran are similar in several ways. Some of the sparks that ignited widespread popular protests against the junta came in the form of the military gunning down teenagers in the street, and the latest iteration of anti-government protests in Iran exploded with the death of a Kurdish-Iranian teenager arrested by the Morality Police and subsequently beaten to death in police custody. As with the regime’s brutal military crackdown on protests in Myanmar, Iran’s Islamic government has responded with harsh, repressive measures. But just as the increased repression in Myanmar has only strengthened the Burmese people’s resolve to resist, a similar dynamic is happening in Iran. In both Myanmar and Iran, the resistance has seen a growing unity among the respective country’s diverse religious and ethnic populations. And in both cases, young people have been in the forefront of the protest movement. Finally, there is a real need to keep international attention on the situations in Myanmar and Iran, so that the democratic movements are not isolated and can be supported.Professor Mahdavi ends by asking the listening audience to “think about what kind of a situation must people be facing to be willing to die for their cause?… What we can do to support them and to bring about meaningful and lasting social change that is rooted in justice and human rights for all?”