In their book Women, Households, and the Hereafter in the Qur’an: A Patronage of Piety (Oxford UP/Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2024), Karen Bauer and Feras Hamza make a compelling and thought-provoking argument about the role of everyday life in the Qur’an. They aptly demonstrate that the idea of households and women is integral to the salvific message of the Qur’an, to the Qur’an’s understanding of piety and morality, and to Islamic theology. By doing this, the book also makes an important case for the limitations of applying modern ideals and frameworks to the Qur’an, given the 7th century context that sets the stage for the social structures in the text. For instance, the social arrangement of the 7th century community, of the broader society, was reciprocal and inherently set up certain people to be disadvantaged. But that set-up necessitated a focus on piety and morality that would ensure that the privileged protect the marginalized. Yet, the equality component is significant: as Feras Hamza explains in this interview, in the patronage of piety, currency is piety “and the payout is the reward in the afterlife, and once the currency is piety, not material, then everyone can participate.” In other words, since piety is available to everyone, it becomes emancipatory for everyone.

What’s unique about this book isn’t simply that the authors make discoveries about the Qur’an’s transformative and emancipatory message about people and communities who are marginalized and vulnerable, which many other scholars have already highlighted; but the main contribution of this book is the way that it shows the equal moral agency of women and men by narrating the developmental story of the Qur’an. Women aren’t simply a separate subject, aside from the Qur’an, but are integral to the developmental story of the Qur’an. For instance, the authors highlight some of the major developments from the early to later Meccan surahs, where women become pious subjects in their own right, to early and later Medinan surahs, where women’s moral agency comes to its fruition, as seen in linguistics shifts. This idea of the developmental narrative of the Qur’an is a key point in the book and in the interview: Bauer and Hamza consistently show that the moral thread of the Qur’an stays the same, which is that life is a moral test, but its specifics change, evolving from being less nuanced in early Meccan surahs to more so in Medinan ones. Women are related to the theology, to Muhammad, to morality, to ethics, to law. As the authors point out, the Qur’an’s purpose of including so many verses on marriage and women is that these issues are clearly connected to larger questions of morality and especially moral agency. The subject of women and the everyday life therefore cannot be isolated from these other categories. The Qur’an is all daily life, and daily life is connected to the hereafter.

In this interview, we discuss dissonances between the tradition and the Qur’an and the harms of taking Qur’anic verses in isolation. The authors explain why they believe that households and daily life haven’t really been associated with Qur’anic piety and the sacred realm in the study of the Qur’an before. They discuss in detail the idea of the developmental narrative that emerges from their study. We end with the authors’ idea that, to quote them, “women’s agency did not undermine the Qur’anic patriarchy but was constructed from within it” (p 359), as they explain what this might mean for our world today.

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