Insight Myanmar

Episode #389: Mie Mie Wynn Bird, a retired U.S. Army officer and defense strategist runs leadership and capacity-building workshops for Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement. In this episode, she argues that morale—and not weapons or resources—is the decisive factor in war. She is guided by this principle: “people first, mission always”: leaders must train, protect, and respect their teams while keeping the mission in focus, building trust that cannot be fabricated in crisis. In Myanmar, morale among the resistance groups continues to be high, with the people believing they are fighting for a righteous cause. In contrast, the morale of the military’s conscripts deteriorates by the day, and a vibrant Burmese-language media ecosystem also mocks and undermines the regime, boosting opposition confidence. She estimates the junta holds just 20% of the country despite the huge material and weapons imbalances in its favor. Mie Mie Wynn Bird also highlights language use as part of the struggle. She calls out Western media for framing the struggle in “both sides” platitudes, and for using words that distort perception of the conflict, like “insurgents” instead of “revolutionary forces.” She urges the international community to frame the resistance in Myanmar as a story of ingenuity and determination, because winning the narrative is part of sustaining morale. Praising the diaspora’s critical and selfless contributions, which further boosts morale, she notes that the increased participation of women in all facets of the struggle does as well, as diversity strengthens problem-solving and resilience. She does, however, note the beginnings of  a decline in women’s participation because of lingering cultural norms, which she views as both avoidable but also harmful to the cause. In the end, Mie Mie Wynn Bird says, “The Myanmar story is not a story of victims. It is a story of ingenuity, adaptability, and determination.”

Episode #388: “Every day in Myanmar, people are living in constant fear, fear of air strike, fear of artillery, fear of arbitrary arrest, fear of extra judicial killing. As long as the military is in power, the country will not be in peace,” says Alex, a Burmese activist-in-exile about Myanmar's brutal reality under military rule. His believes that the military’s planned, upcoming elections are in his words “a sham,” just a strategy to consolidate power and a deceptive charade to gain international legitimacy. Because they already hold 25% of the Parliamentary seats under the fraudulent 2008 Constitution, which sets the minimum limit of 33% of the total seats as the threshold for being able to form a government, they just need 8% more. This leads Alex to conclude that the junta will easily be able to manipulate the results to achieve whatever outcome they want. “They are trying to lie to the world, to the country, that’s what they have been doing since day one.”The second guest is Wunna, and he describes how on the morning of February 1, 2021, he recalls an eerie silence. The internet was down and phone lines had been cut. Wunna and a friend drove to Naypyidaw to see what was happening – they observed MPs being held under house arrest, guarded by soldiers. “I couldn’t even describe how I felt that day. It was really powerless and hopeless on the first day.” This direct experience at Ground Zero propelled him into action. He joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), arranging safe houses and transportation for civil servants. But his bank account was subsequently frozen, and the escalating risk finally forced him to reluctantly make the agonizing decision to leave Myanmar, joining countless exiles.Despite his personal sacrifice, Wunna clings to a powerful conviction. He believes the revolution, built from nothing, still has the opportunity to prevail. To avoid despair, he just focuses on what is within his power to do. He acknowledges international skepticism to the resistance but affirms its strength. He advocates for constructive criticism, but says that it should be accompanied by practical suggestions, and not just empty theorizing. His final message is a call to global solidarity: “I just want to request, be part of our history in defending and nurturing democracy.”

Episode #387: “I think vipassana has always been a response to crisis, not just a quest for spiritual purity,” says Gustaaf Houtman, anthropologist and author of Traditions of Buddhist Practice in Burma and Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics. Drawing on decades of research and immersion in the culture, Houtman connects meditation, language, politics, and cultural history, revealing a view of Burma’s Buddhist traditions that resists Western simplifications. Houtman contrasts Western notions of religion—rooted in belief in abstract doctrines and separated from culture—with the Burmese concept of sāsana, the Buddha’s dispensation, which is integrally embedded in historical and social life. He juxtaposes sāsana with bodha-batha, a term coined by the 19th century American missionary Adoniram Judson, which reframed Buddhism as a belief-based “-ism,” comparable to Christianity. This, Houtman argues, was not simply linguistic but ideological as well. In response, Burmese reformers emphasized Pāḷi terms like sāsana to defend Buddhism’s historical and cultural depth, turning language into “a site of resistance” against Western cultural hegemony. This framework illuminates the importance of lineage in Burmese meditation. Unlike monastic ordination, which is formally documented, meditation instruction is informal and personal, requiring validation from respected teachers— and it rarely goes in a straight line. U Ba Khin’s reliance on Webu Sayadaw’s endorsement exemplifies how Burmese meditation culture depends on networks of trust and recognition. Houtman contrasts this complexity with S. N. Goenka’s simplified lineage narrative, which, while pedagogically effective, erases the historical crises— British colonialism, military dictatorship, and cultural reform— that gave rise to vipassana. He links this history to Ledi Sayadaw, whose reforms empowered laypeople to sustain Buddhism during colonial rule, paving the way for later teachers like Mahasi Sayadaw and U Ba Khin. Meditation in Burma, Houtman emphasizes, has long been entwined with social and cultural life, politics, and survival, and is a source of cultural pride.  Today, he supports exiled Burmese scholars through what he calls “academic activism,” insisting that understanding Burma requires joining its ongoing historical struggle. “If you stay with it, you will be drawn in. And if you’re drawn in, you stay for the long haul.”

Episode #386: Maw Htun, Deputy Minister for Electricity and Energy in Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), has navigated a path defined by personal tribulation and transformation since the 2021 coup. His journey began with joining the NUG to fulfill a lifelong dream of systemic change, but was soon overshadowed by a battle with cancer. With his critical illness and having to endure a series of complex medical procedures, Maw Htun faced an existential crisis. This harrowing experience, including a miraculous recovery linked to a burgeoning meditation practice, radically reshaped his worldview and even his political outlook.Previously driven by achievements, he found a deeper humility, recognizing the fragility of life and the illusion of fixed identities. Though recognizing his Kachin and Christian identities, his experience of suffering led him to perceive social identities as “constructs,” advocating for a politics focused on shared humanity. He advocates for a federal democracy that genuinely ensures “making life better no matter who you are.”Maw Htun's role in the NUG is central to this vision. He describes the body as a legitimate government and a revolutionary force, battling resource constraints and public expectations. He asserts its essential role in rallying support and establishing defense forces, arguing that the junta's brutal aerial attacks prove “the NUG mechanism is working.” While acknowledging valid criticisms regarding efficiency and representation, he stresses the NUG's dedication to human rights and its non-static, evolving nature– a resilience that fuels his resolve to fight for a future Myanmar free from discrimination.

Episode #385: Minna Fredriksson, human rights advisor at the Swedish development organization Diakonia, describes her humanitarian work and critiques the humanitarian aid field based on her years of work in Southeast Asia. Fredriksson managed humanitarian efforts in refugee camps along the Thai-Myanmar border in 2013. This was at the start of the democratic transition, and when donor governments such as the U.S., Sweden, Germany, and Japan were urging refugees to return to Myanmar despite persistent insecurity. She observed firsthand the disconnect between donor timelines and refugee realities.  Later, inside Myanmar, Fredriksson found that decades of repression had shaped how people communicated even in safe settings, highlighting the need for culturally-sensitive modes of communication and trust-building. She stresses that aid responses must be trauma-informed, participatory, and led by communities themselves, and offers examples of successful local initiatives. However, she cautions against overromanticizing societies, including traditional societies, noting that all exhibit inequalities and prejudices of some kind or other. “Those need to be addressed,” she says firmly. She also warns of the global trend of aid retrenchment, especially Sweden’s shift toward nationalist priorities, which undermines those on-the-ground gains. “It breaks my heart when I hear that people say, ‘It’s like the world doesn’t care,’” she says.  In closing, Fredriksson highlights the damaging effects of information repression inside Myanmar, which she calls a form of “soft violence,” as well as the international marginalization and erasure of Myanmar’s crisis. She affirms her commitment to amplifying Myanmar’s voices: “The motivation, of course, to continue to talk about Myanmar… and make sure that there is information about what’s happening.”

Episode #384: “As a journalist, you always hope for consequences. I mean, otherwise our reporting is meaningless,” says Bjørn Nordahl, a Norwegian investigative reporter who led a two-year probe into Telenor’s withdrawal from Myanmar. The case was especially painful because the company, once praised for driving SIM card prices down and sparking a communication revolution in 2014, ended up entangled with a brutal military regime. After the February 2021 coup, Telenor initially disclosed military orders to shut down networks and block Facebook. But on February 14 its CEO told Norwegian media, “From now on, I can’t say anything” about Myanmar. From that point until March 2022, the company ceased public disclosures while complying with junta demands. Nordahl’s team examined over 750 leaked documents. These showed two categories of orders: shutdown directives and direct requests for subscriber information. One June 2021 internal assessment warned that handing over data on a PDF member meant “the impact of sharing this information is extremely high” and could enable arrests. Another request concerned a doctor close to Aung San Suu Kyi; Telenor concluded “it’s likely that this number will be used to support the military examinations of the criminal case against Aung San Suu Kyi.” Nordahl notes Telenor admitted, when asked, that “we never said no” to junta requests, with lawyers justifying every handover under Myanmar’s military law, while “Norwegian legislation does not come into consideration.” At home, questions arose about oversight. Around 30 meetings took place between Telenor and Norway’s Ministry of Trade and Commerce, though their content remains undisclosed. Nordahl highlighted that the Labor Party was in power during both entry and exit, adding, “probably there will be people in the opposition who are very interested in this story.” He said opposition groups already call for an independent investigation, and predicted, “this claim will be even stronger and probably reach another level after we have published this.” For Nordahl, the saga illustrates the limits of corporate responsibility under authoritarianism. Yet he insists the story must be documented, both for future accountability and as a warning of how global business decisions can imperil lives.

Episode #383: The 4th International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) was hosted at hosted by Chiang Mai University. This major event brought together many scholars and experts to discuss Myanmar’s ongoing challenges, including the 2021 coup, conflicts, peace efforts, and human rights issues. Hosting over 800 participants over its three day event, it was one of the largest events dedicated to Myanmar studies.Insight Myanmar Podcast recorded exclusive interviews with a number of guests at the conference. These short conversations covered a broad range of topics, and this episode closes out this four-part series. Our guests are:Gar, representing the Myanmar Internet Project, focuses on digital rights and security. She describes the military's use of internet restrictions and surveillance technologies to suppress dissent. Her organization works to raise awareness, provide digital security support, and document online propaganda and surveillance to protect those at risk.Jaivet Eolom, affiliated with the Myanmar Policy and Action Knowledge Hub at the University of Toronto, views Myanmar as being at a critical juncture for being able to reshape its future. He emphasizes the need to unlearn decades of military propaganda in order to avoid repeating past mistakes. This includes particularly harmful narratives like those surrounding the Rohingya.Napas Thein, a research fellow at the University of British Columbia and the Myanmar Policy and Action Knowledge Hub, emphasizes the importance of linking research and humanitarian efforts inside and outside Myanmar, with filmmaking as a vital tool for sharing stories from conflict-affected ethnic regions. He adds that many people abroad continue to contribute significantly to efforts within Myanmar.Sharon Bell, involved in Myanmar's agricultural development through a resilient horticulture project funded by New Zealand, emphasizes the vital role of grassroots civil society organizations in sustaining progress despite COVID-19 and the coup. She advocates for the international community to support local efforts and recognize the legitimacy of ethnic armed groups as key development and political actors.Tin Maung Htwe, a research fellow at Chiang Mai University’s RCSD, focuses on human rights, migration, and the Rohingya crisis. He notes the complexity of the conflict, and advocates for empathy and dialogue between communities. He also touches upon the impact of Chinese investment on conflict resolution.Kham Mai, a representative from the Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN), emphasizes the organization's efforts to support Shan women through healthcare, education, and leadership training, particularly in conflict zones. She calls for greater women's participation in political decision-making and providing essential services like reproductive health and support for survivors of gender-based violence.

Episode #382: Zack Tu Nan, a queer, ethnic Zaiwa activist and student living in the Netherlands, reflects on his journey through marginalization, faith, identity, and exile. Born in 1994 in—literally—a rice field in Kachin State while his parents fled military violence, Zack grew up in a remote village run by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), where he enjoyed a rich, traditional Zaiwa upbringing. But entering a Burmese state school in Loi Jai exposed him to Bamar cultural domination—his family name was stripped away, his pronunciation mocked, and even his given name, “Tu Nan,” ridiculed.As a gender-nonconforming child, Zack lacked the language and social space to express his queerness. Raised in a rigidly Christian environment, he internalized the belief that his identity was sinful. Coming out later created tensions within his devout community. Eventually, he sought healing through personal “decolonization”—reclaiming Zaiwa animist practices, oral traditions, and Zaiwa cosmology, which he now hopes to preserve through a documentary film.After passing the national exam, Zack studied dentistry in Mandalay but found the system stifling. He later attended an online U.S. university while teaching Zumba in Yangon. Political activism for IDPs put him at risk, prompting his asylum claim in the Netherlands. Rejected and detained for deportation, COVID disrupted the process; he escaped from the facility and lived undocumented for a year before finally securing asylum.Despite loneliness and backlash, Zack remains committed to cultural survival. “The past is still haunting me here right now in the present,” he says, “but I carry the weight of my family, my kinship, my people and my community.”

Episode #381: Vicky Bowman, the former UK Ambassador to Myanmar and past director of the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB), explains what sanctions are meant to do - prevent harm and promote reform, rather than punish - and how Myanmar’s “opaque information ecosystem” makes this challenging.She recalls that in the early 2000s, compiling sanctions lists was difficult, with EU diplomats sometimes relying on public donation plaques or even the Yellow Pages to identify names of people and companies. While noting that identification and evidence have improved since then, and that stronger coordination now exists among allies in shaping their sanctions policies, she emphasizes the continued importance of due process for those targetted, including to petition for their removal. Concerning the recent delistings that stirred public outrage, she notes that the original reasoning that put three of the delisted subjects on the U.S. list had not been considered equally compelling by the U.K. or E.U.Sanctions, she says, take different forms: there are targetted measures such as arms embargoes and “dual-use” controls on goods with civilian and military uses, as well as measures against individuals like asset freezes and visa bans. There are also more general sanctions and measures impacting the wider economy, such as removal of tariff preferences and suspension of development aid.Bowman also details the possible “spillover” harms of sanctions. At the macro level, sanctions can lead companies to exit, and impact jobs and the wider economy. At the micro level, they can impact jobs in, and services provided by, sanctioned firms. Sanctions on named individuals can also cause collateral damage to completely unrelated individuals due to confusion about Myanmar’s naming culture.Concerning the practice of sanctioning family members of regime figures, especially adult children, and the desire for punishment, rather than prevention, Bowman reflects that it could be considered to resemble the collective punishment practices used by the Nazis, known as Sippenhaft. She questions whether Western democracies should “sink to the same level” or take the “when they go low, we go high” approach of Michelle Obama.Bowman also reflects on the future for responsible business in Myanmar. She notes that the desire for ‘bottom-up federalism’ should avoid fragmenting the laws and institutions needed to drive responsible business practices including well-enforced human rights based laws, transparent procurement processes, functioning courts, and effective anti-corruption bodies.

Episode #380: “I started meditation at a fairly young age,” begins scholar and author, Daniel Stuart. At nineteen, he traveled to India, disillusioned by the world he grew up in and searching for an alternative. What he discovered was vipassanā meditation as taught by S.N. Goenka, and for him it was “a quite revolutionary experience!” For Stuart, meditation was never confined to the cushion. His practice sparked questions about history, authenticity, and cultural context. This curiosity took him through India and Burma, into the study of Pāḷi and Hindi, and ultimately into academia, where he now bridges rigorous research with personal commitment. A “die-hard student” of S.N. Goenka, Stuart nonetheless insists on examining the lineage within its historical complexity, even when this has put him at odds with the community. Over time, Stuart has come to see that many teachings in the Goenka tradition emerged from Buddhism’s historical evolution over time, not in an unbroken line unchanged since the time of the Buddha, as is claimed in the tradition. Yet for him, this does not diminish the value of the teachings; it reveals how Buddhist traditions adapt and remain meaningful. He contrasts this with what is called the “Protestant” view of authenticity by many Western meditators who equate purity and authenticity only with the original texts. Instead, Stuart sees Goenka’s teaching as a pragmatic response to the cultural worlds and contexts he navigated. He says that embracing this complexity has only deepened his faith and his practice. “We live in this space in between,” Stuart says, “like ancient tradition and modernity… and that’s where the whole game is.”