Middle East Monitor Conversations

The Arabs of Khuzestan and the Iranians of Iraq were at the forefront of suspicion, anxiety and whose loyalty was questioned by the national building projects in Iran and Iraq in the 20th century. People who inhabit the border regions of any country often find themselves being treated with a mixture of suspicion and opportunity by the metropoles of these countries. Khuzestan, Iran’s border province with Iraq, is no different. Famed for its Arab population, the Arabs of Khuzestan have been at the centre of 20th century modernising projects, tensions between neighbours and the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s. But one does not need to live in close proximity to a physical border to be seen as a border person within the modern nation state project, running parallel to the Arabs of Iran are the Iranians of Iraq, who were a cause of anxiety for nationalist regimes in Baghdad. What can we learn about history and politics through the prism of people who inhabit the boundaries of the Middle East’s nation state project? Joining us to help answer this question is Shaherzad Ahmadi. Bio: Shaherzad Ahmadi earned her BA from UC Davis in History. After graduation, she studied Persian and Arabic in Tehran before moving to Austin, Texas for her PhD at UT Austin's Department of History. Her research, on Arab Iranians in the Iran-Iraq borderland, animates both her scholarly articles, in top journals of her field, as well as her book, published by UT Austin Press, Bordering on War. Book review can be found here https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20250213-bordering-on-war-a-social-and-political-history-of-khuzestan/

Events in the MENA directly impact Italy which is just 35 miles away, but how are the changing political dynamics affecting Rome's Middle East policy? Italy's fate is deeply entangled with the Middle East and North Africa, the Italian island of Pantelleria is just 35 miles off the Tunsian coast. Whenever tensions flare up in the Middle East and North Africa it triggers public debate in Italy, getting the MENA right is a key national interest for Rome. When Giorgia Meloni became leader of Italy, many wondered how the far-right government would tackle the MENA region differently. Meloni actively cultivated close ties with Saudi Arabia, the UAE and the Gulf. Italian diplomacy managed to quickly secure the release of detained Italian journalist Cecilia Sala, who was arrested in Iran in December 2024. Rome also sought to change the European Union's position on engaging with the regime of Bashar Al-Assad in Syria. But, with the collapse of Al-Assad, the lack of Italian diplomatic activity to bring to an end Israel's war on Gaza and a new Donald Trump administration in the White House, what is Rome's place with regards MENA policy? Joining us to make sense of all of this is Maria Luisa Fantappiè. Fantappiè is head of the Mediterranean, Middle East and Africa Programme at Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI). She served as Special Adviser at the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue in Geneva (2020-2023) and at the International Crisis Group (2012-2020), engaging at the highest level of policy in Europe, the United States and across MENA (Iraq, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Qatar, Oman and United Arab Emirates). In 2018, she was seconded by the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the European advisory mission for security sector reform in Iraq (EUAM). Her research interests include the MENA region, EU foreign policy and great powers competition in this area, conflict prevention and mediation as well as cultural diplomacy.

 Is the new Syrian administration reflective of society and is it able to build a country free of political authoritarianism? A member of the Syrian Women’s Political Movement joins us to discuss this and more.We are now three months on from the fall of the Bashar Al-Assad regime in Syria ending 54-years of his family's rule. The ending of his dictatorship has left the Mediterranean country facing a new reality and taking on new tasks; how to build a new country free of political authoritarianism and injustice. The Levetine nation lies in ruins after a 13-year civil war and now so much of the responsibility falls onto the shoulders of Syrian society and its new rulers. The new interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa and members of the now disbanded Hay'at Tharir Al-Sham (HTS) now find themselves in government, while Al-Sharaa promises to rebuild a new Syria that in reflective of the society, concerns about his Islamist background and appointments to the interim government have been raised. Does the new administration have what it takes to build a new Syria? Helping us make sense of all of this is Sarah Hunaidi. Hunaidi is a Syrian writer and member of the Syrian Women’s Political Movement. She writes in English and Arabic, and her work has been published by Foreign Policy, the Independent, Chatham House, Buzzfeed, the New Arab among other publications. She provides political analysis and expert commentary on refugee and gender issues and has appeared regularly on channels like NPR, BBC and Al Jazeera. She holds a Master's degree in Near and Middle Eastern Studies from Harvard University, and a Bachelor’s in International Studies at DePaul University. After her exile from Syria in 2014 due to her opposition to the Syrian regime, she started working on her first book project about the missing activist Samira Al-Khalil, exploring exile, siege and survival.

People in Lebanon are angry at the level of state corruption and dysfunction, and Salafist movements are offering them an alternative. Nationalist populism has been sweeping the world in the last decade overturning traditional politics in countries ranging from the US, Hungary, India, Italy, Britain and others. But populism is not only something nationalists engage in, religious populism has also seen a rise in popularity in Lebanon. The decline in political and economic power of the Sunni community in the country, the assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Harari and the withdrawal of Syrian troops in 2005 unleashed a new political Salafism, especially in the Mediterranean country's northern city of Tripoli. People are angry, very angry, Lebanon's general corruption and state dysfunction means the Levantine nation moves from crisis to crisis. Salafi movements are channeling people's frustration and embody anti-elite and anti-establishment politics that we see elsewhere. Israel's war on Gaza, Lebanon and the fall of the regime of Bashar Al-Assad in Syria has created a new opening for these movements - but who are they and what do they want? Joining us to discuss this is Giulia Gozzini. Gozzini is a PhD Candidate in Islamic Studies at Lund University. She holds a Master’s degree in Middle East and North Africa Politics from the University of Turin and a Bachelor’s degree in International Relations from the University of Florence. As part of her Master’s program, Giulia completed an Erasmus exchange at Université Saint Joseph in Beirut. She has also worked as a Junior Research Fellow in the Mediterranean, Middle East, and Africa and Italian Foreign Policy programs at the Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) and is a member of the editorial board of Maydan. Her research investigates the concept of Islamic populism and focuses on the study of Sunni Islamist movements in Lebanon, with a specific emphasis on the ideological and political evolution of contemporary Salafism, particularly in the context of the city of Tripoli. In her work, she proposes to adopt the concept of populism, considering the overlooked nexus between populism and religion, to investigate how religio-political populism relates to the ideological and social formation of Salafism.Her current research builds on her Master’s thesis where she explored the multiple crises affecting Lebanese Sunnism and the subsequent appeal of Sunni populism and Salafism within the context of Lebanese sectarian politics.

 Accusations of anti-Semitism have shaped the way governments and institutions respond to Israel’s actions over the past 15 months, but this not only limits open discussion, but also hurts the Jewish community, the journalist and author says.In this episode of MEMO in Conversation, Rachel Shabi joins us to discuss her latest book 'Off-White: The Truth About Antisemitism' . Shabi, a British journalist and commentator, examines how anti-Semitism has been politically weaponised, often used to silence criticism of Israel and suppress Palestinian advocacy. She explains why discussions about anti-Semitism have become so divisive, making it harder to confront real threats against Jews while allowing bad-faith actors to manipulate the issue.With the war in Gaza ongoing, Shabi reflects on how accusations of anti-Semitism have shaped the way governments and institutions respond to Israel’s actions. She also draws on her own experience as an Iraqi Jew, discussing the erasure of Arab Jewish identity and how Zionism placed Jewish identity within a Western framework, often sidelining Jews from the Middle East and North Africa.The conversation also explores how Jewish communities in Europe and North America were “absorbed into whiteness” after the Holocaust, affecting both Jewish identity and the way anti-Semitism is understood today. Shabi explains why the fight against anti-Semitism is now more closely linked to right-wing politics, while progressive movements, traditionally the vanguard in the fight against racism, face accusations of anti-Semitism. She also critiques the IHRA definition of anti-Semitism and the “new anti-Semitism” narrative, questioning how these frameworks limit open discussion, particularly on Israel-Palestine.Finally, we discuss the contradictory relationship between the far-right and Zionism, where nationalist movements that have long promoted anti-Semitic ideas now claim to be pro-Israel. Shabi looks at how the idea of a Judeo-Christian civilisation is used to include Jews in Western identity while excluding Muslims and other minorities. .Shabi is also the author of 'Not the Enemy – Israel’s Jews from Arab Lands' and writes for the Guardian newspaper.

Joe Biden was said to be the most pro-Israel US president in decades, with Donald Trump taking over the White House, we ask what will Washington do next?Israel's 15-month genocidal assault on the besieged Gaza Strip was aided by the United States of America. While in his outgoing address, President Joe Biden cited obtaining a ceasefire as among his administration's crowning achievements. However, contrary to the image he wished to portray, Biden offered total support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and took the unusual step of stating there were 'no red lines' as far as Washington was concerned as Israel's war on the Palestinians began. The lack of restraints on Israel has some commentators arguing that Biden was the most pro-Israel US president in decades. Previous US presidents, while offering Israel total backing, would place limits on how far Israel could go, but with Biden, Israel faced no such pressure. As the Trump administration takes the reins of power, we are asking what will Biden's legacy be and what will Trump do next? Joining us to answer these questions is Khaled Elgindy. Elgindy is a visiting scholar at Georgetown University Centre for Contemporary Arab Studies. He is the author of the 2019 book, 'Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians, from Balfour to Trump'. Elgindy previously served as director of the Middle East Institute’s Program on Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli Affairs. From 2010 through 2018, he served as a resident scholar in the Foreign Policy programme at the Brookings Institution. Prior to arriving at Brookings, he served as an advisor to the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah on permanent status negotiations with Israel from 2004 to 2009, and was a key participant in the Annapolis negotiations of 2007-08.

How will the new year shape the ever changing Middle East? And will US President-elect Donald Trump give in to pressure from Israel and take military steps against Iran and widen the unrest in the region? 2025 is finally here and as ever Middle East Monitor is keeping an eye out on trends, developments and issues impacting the MENA region. The year opens with Israel's ongoing genocide in Gaza and expanding war in the occupied West Bank and with a ceasefire deal on the horizon - what can we expect for Palestinians going forward? As Donald Trump takes office as US president and Israel pushes for a tougher stance on Iran, will Trump get the US into a military confrontation with Tehran? Since December 2024 Syria has been free of the rule of the Assad family, but with the new Islamist government talking about forming committees to develop a new government, will the new Syria be inclusive of the country's diverse population? Lastly, Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed Bin Salman is five-years away from the completion of his 2030 social and economic reform vision, how will this impact Riyadh's politics this year? Joining us to help identify the trends and issues in the MENA region in 2025 is Professor Nader Hashemi. Hashemi is the Director of the Alwaleed Centre for Muslim-Christian Understanding and an Associate Professor of Middle East and Islamic Politics at the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He obtained his doctorate from the Department of Political Science at the University of Toronto and previously was an Andrew W. Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow at Northwestern University and a Visiting Assistant Professor at the UCLA Global Institute. Hashemi was previously the founding Director of the Centre for Middle East Studies at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver. His intellectual and research interests lie at the intersection of comparative politics and political theory, in particular debates on the global rise of authoritarianism, religion and democracy, secularism and its discontents, Middle East and Islamic politics, democratic and human rights struggles in non-Western societies and Islam-West relations. He is the author of 'Islam, Secularism and Liberal Democracy: Toward a Democratic Theory for Muslim Societies' and co-editor of 'The People Reloaded: The Green Movement and the Struggle for Iran’s Future', 'The Syria Dilemma' , 'Sectarianisation: Mapping the New Politics of the Middle East'and a four-volume study on 'Islam and Human Rights: Critical Concepts in Islamic Studies' . His next book project is called 'The Global Divide Over Israel and Palestine'. He is frequently interviewed by PBS, NPR, CNN, Al Jazeera, Pacifica Radio and the BBC and his writings have appeared in the New York Times, Newsweek, Wall Street Journal, the Nation, Al Jazeera Online and CNN among other media outlets. He is also a Non-Resident Fellow at Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN).

The 'international division of humanity' is central to imperialist logic and explains the reasons behind the treatment of Palestinians by the Global North, but this very concept is leading to the West's waning power on the world stage, journalist and historian Prashad tells MEMO.In this episode of MEMO in Conversations we sit down with Vijay Prashad, one of the world’s leading Marxist thinkers and the author of around 40 books. Prashad offers his insights on the Gaza ceasefire deal and its broader implications, unpacking its timing, its connection to President Joe Biden’s presidency and legacy, and whether it can be seen as a Palestinian victory given Israel’s inability to achieve its declared aim of eradicating Hamas.The conversation also revisits some of Prashad’s key theoretical frameworks, such as the “international division of humanity.” This concept, which Prashad identifies as central to imperialist logic, serves as a lens to examine the treatment of Palestinians and the global reactions to the genocide in Gaza. He reflects on how these dynamics expose the moral contradictions of the Global North and its waning ability to lead on the world stage.Prashad explores the concept of hyper-imperialism and provides a wider geopolitical context for the Gaza crisis. He connects the events in Gaza to broader global trends of authoritarianism and resistance, delving into how these forces intersect and shape contemporary world order, while highlighting the lessons Gaza holds for the Global South. Prashad emphasises how the events in Gaza offer an opportunity to rethink global power structures and build solidarity among nations striving for justice and self-determination.

In its recent report, War Child revealed that 96% of children in Gaza believe death is imminent, while 49% expressed a wish to die due to Israel's relentless bombing campaign, making Gaza 'the most horrifying places in the world to be a child'. King unpacks the report and speaks of his first hand experience after returning from Gaza. Over the past 15 months, the world has witnessed heartbreaking scenes from Gaza, where children have borne the brunt of relentless military aggression. With conservative estimates putting the number of children killed by Israeli occupation forces at nearly 18,000, the devastating toll on Gaza’s youngest and most vulnerable residents is clear. Yet, the psychological scars inflicted by this violence often remain unseen.In this week’s MEMO in Conversation, we speak to Kieran King, head of humanitarian at War Child, who has just returned from Gaza. He shares his firsthand experience of the unfolding humanitarian catastrophe. Our discussion centres on War Child’s recent report - the first of its kind - exploring the psychological impact of Israel’s genocide on Gaza’s most vulnerable children. The report provides a stark reminder that Gaza has become one of the most horrifying places in the world to be a child.Kieran sheds light on his experiences in Gaza, painting a vivid picture of the human suffering he encountered and the immense challenges faced by children living in such harrowing conditions. The report’s findings are staggering: 96 per cent of children feel death is imminent, nearly half wish to die and 87 per cent display severe fear.

Israel has deep historical ties with oppressive regimes, arming many that have been accused of genocide. But how is Tel Aviv using expertise it is gaining during its war on Gaza to make a profit? Israel has transformed its occupation of Palestine into a lucrative global enterprise, exporting methods of control and surveillance worldwide. Joining MEMO in Conversation to discuss Israel’s role in the global arms and surveillance technology  trade is Antony Loewenstein, author of groundbreaking new book 'The Palestine Laboratory'. Loewenstein, an investigative journalist, examines Israel's deep historical ties with oppressive regimes, from its support of South African apartheid to its current relationships with far-right governments. Loewenstein shares insights from his 17-year journey investigating Israel’s arms industry, drawing parallels between his earlier work on disaster capitalism and the commodification of Palestinian suffering. He explores Israel’s willingness to arm regimes accused of genocide, from Rwanda to Myanmar, and its cultivation of relationships with openly anti-Semitic far-right leaders like Hungary's Viktor Orban.Loewenstein argues that Israel’s military actions in Gaza reflect long-established patterns of weaponising its expertise in occupation for profit.Loewenstein is an independent journalist, best-selling author, filmmaker and co-founder of Declassified Australia. He's written for the Guardian, the New York Times, the New York Review of Books and many others. His books include 'Pills, Powder and Smoke', 'Disaster Capitalism', 'The Palestine Laboratory' and 'My Israel Question'. His documentary films include 'Disaster Capitalism' and Al Jazeera English films 'West Africa's Opioid Crisis' and 'Under the Cover of Covid'.