Natú Reads

For a Unified Maoist International Conference! – Proposal regarding the balance of the International Communist Movement and of its current General Political Line is a document released by the Coordinating Committee for the Unified Maoist International Conference. In it, the committee proposes a general line for the international communist movement and the call for a new communist international united under Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Released January 4, 2022, this document has sparked debate within the ICM; this resulting critique by the TKP/ML is a valuable text not only for understanding the shortcomings of the original draft proposal, but as a valuable lesson on dialectics, contradictions, and how Communist Parties apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to their assessments of their objective realities and positions.The original assessment contains many errors and calques as a result of the translation process. I have gone through the entire document and made cosmetic changes to assure comprehension and ease of understanding. I have done my best to preserve intended meaning throughout the text, but considering the difficulty of understanding some sections, I acknowledge I may have made mistakes. Any corrections are welcome. You can read the proposal here and the original assessment here:https://ikk-online10.net/the-declaration-of-unified-maoist-international-conference-umic-and-the-assessment-of-tkp-ml.htmlI collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true

For a Unified Maoist International Conference! – Proposal regarding the balance of the International Communist Movement and of its current General Political Line is a document released by the Coordinating Committee for the Unified Maoist International Conference. In it, the committee proposes a general line for the international communist movement and the call for a new communist international united under Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Released January 4, 2022, this document has sparked debate within the ICM; critique by comrades of the TKP/ML will be shared following the conclusion of this text.You can read the proposal here:For a Unified Maoist International Conference! – Proposal regarding the balance of the International Communist Movement and of its current General Political Line – Communist International (ci-ic.org)I collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true

For a Unified Maoist International Conference! – Proposal regarding the balance of the International Communist Movement and of its current General Political Line is a document released by the Coordinating Committee for the Unified Maoist International Conference. In it, the committee proposes a general line for the international communist movement and the call for a new communist international united under Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Released January 4, 2022, this document has sparked debate within the ICM; critique by comrades of the TKP/ML will be shared following the conclusion of this text.You can read the proposal here:For a Unified Maoist International Conference! – Proposal regarding the balance of the International Communist Movement and of its current General Political Line – Communist International (ci-ic.org)I collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true

Our Road is a document released by Brazil's Poor Peasants' League (Liga dos Camponeses Pobres/LCP) outlining Brazil's social and economic structure for the past century, how the militant peasant movement arose within these circumstances, and its further consolidation through splits with the collaborationist and opportunist MST (Movimento Sem Terra/Landless Movement). The militant peasants' movement in Brazil represents not only the hope of the landless and exploited peasant masses of that country, but the alliance between the class-conscious Brazilian proletariat and peasantry that promises a way out of Brazil's semi-feudal and semi-colonial position and a path towards a democratic and egalitarian future.This English translation was made available by Tribune of the People. You can find a digital version of the text here:https://tribuneofthepeople.news/2021/07/09/brazil-the-political-line-of-the-league-of-poor-peasants/I collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true

Our Road is a document released by Brazil's Poor Peasants' League (Liga dos Camponeses Pobres/LCP) outlining Brazil's social and economic structure for the past century, how the militant peasant movement arose within these circumstances, and its further consolidation through splits with the collaborationist and opportunist MST (Movimento Sem Terra/Landless Movement). The militant peasants' movement in Brazil represents not only the hope of the landless and exploited peasant masses of that country, but the alliance between the class-conscious Brazilian proletariat and peasantry that promises a way out of Brazil's semi-feudal and semi-colonial position and a path towards a democratic and egalitarian future.This English translation was made available by Tribune of the People. You can find a digital version of the text here:https://tribuneofthepeople.news/2021/07/09/brazil-the-political-line-of-the-league-of-poor-peasants/I collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true

In 1958, the Chinese people began a process of consolidating cooperatives into larger entities, which began to take on greater roles in governing the lives of local communities. Until their dismantlement in the early 80s, these people's communes (人民公社), as they came to be known, would become the basic units of the social organization of Chinese society, and supposedly the bedrock social unit for what would one day become full communism, organizing not only production, but medical services, infrastructure, distribution, and other social, economic and political functions. Their formation marked not only a boon in the material well-being of the Chinese people, allowing for huge strides in agriculture, health, infrastructure, and other markers of economic and social development; more abstractly, they were the cause for, and symbols of, the hope of the Chinese people for an egalitarian future, in which people would govern themselves, and the famines and inequities that plagued China for millennia would forever be things of the past.Anna Louise Strong was a US journalist and staunch defender of socialism, writing books about the Soviet Union, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China, and more, countering reactionary narratives about the successes (and failures) of socialist construction across the globe.Note on Chinese pronunciation: Chinese words and names in this text are rendered in the Wade–Giles system of romanization. This system is today considered quite outdated, and its odd and seemingly arbitrary rendering of Chinese has led to many mispronunciations from foreign speakers. I have done my best to find the readings for these words in pinyin, the far superior system of Chinese romanization, and they will be pronounced that way, if not with the correct tones. To give some examples, you will hear: Mao Zedong, not Mao Tsetung; Beijing, not Peking; Hebei, not Hopei; Xinjiang, not Sinkiang; Zhang Chunqiao, not Chang Chun-chiao. I also take the liberty of replacing Canton with the Chinese Guangzhou. However, I do not pronounce Chiang Kai-shek as Jiang Jieshi, figuring that the latter would be unfamiliar to most listeners and would cause confusion.You can find a free digital copy of this book here:https://archive.org/details/byannalouisestrongtheriseofthechinesepezlib.org/mode/1upI collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true

 In 1958, the Chinese people began a process of consolidating cooperatives into larger entities, which began to take on greater roles in governing the lives of local communities. Until their dismantlement in the early 80s, these people's communes (人民公社), as they came to be known, would become the basic units of the social organization of Chinese society, and supposedly the bedrock social unit for what would one day become full communism, organizing not only production, but medical services, infrastructure, distribution, and other social, economic and political functions. Their formation marked not only a boon in the material well-being of the Chinese people, allowing for huge strides in agriculture, health, infrastructure, and other markers of economic and social development; more abstractly, they were the cause for, and symbols of, the hope of the Chinese people for an egalitarian future, in which people would govern themselves, and the famines and inequities that plagued China for millennia would forever be things of the past.Anna Louise Strong was a US journalist and staunch defender of socialism, writing books about the Soviet Union, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China, and more, countering reactionary narratives about the successes (and failures) of socialist construction across the globe.Note on Chinese pronunciation: Chinese words and names in this text are rendered in the Wade–Giles system of romanization. This system is today considered quite outdated, and its odd and seemingly arbitrary rendering of Chinese has led to many mispronunciations from foreign speakers. I have done my best to find the readings for these words in pinyin, the far superior system of Chinese romanization, and they will be pronounced that way, if not with the correct tones. To give some examples, you will hear: Mao Zedong, not Mao Tsetung; Beijing, not Peking; Hebei, not Hopei; Xinjiang, not Sinkiang; Zhang Chunqiao, not Chang Chun-chiao. I also take the liberty of replacing Canton with the Chinese Guangzhou. However, I do not pronounce Chiang Kai-shek as Jiang Jieshi, figuring that the latter would be unfamiliar to most listeners and would cause confusion.You can find a free digital copy of this book here:https://archive.org/details/byannalouisestrongtheriseofthechinesepezlib.org/mode/1upI collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true

 In 1958, the Chinese people began a process of consolidating cooperatives into larger entities, which began to take on greater roles in governing the lives of local communities. Until their dismantlement in the early 80s, these people's communes (人民公社), as they came to be known, would become the basic units of the social organization of Chinese society, and supposedly the bedrock social unit for what would one day become full communism, organizing not only production, but medical services, infrastructure, distribution, and other social, economic and political functions. Their formation marked not only a boon in the material well-being of the Chinese people, allowing for huge strides in agriculture, health, infrastructure, and other markers of economic and social development; more abstractly, they were the cause for, and symbols of, the hope of the Chinese people for an egalitarian future, in which people would govern themselves, and the famines and inequities that plagued China for millennia would forever be things of the past.Anna Louise Strong was a US journalist and staunch defender of socialism, writing books about the Soviet Union, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China, and more, countering reactionary narratives about the successes (and failures) of socialist construction across the globe.Note on Chinese pronunciation: Chinese words and names in this text are rendered in the Wade–Giles system of romanization. This system is today considered quite outdated, and its odd and seemingly arbitrary rendering of Chinese has led to many mispronunciations from foreign speakers. I have done my best to find the readings for these words in pinyin, the far superior system of Chinese romanization, and they will be pronounced that way, if not with the correct tones. To give some examples, you will hear: Mao Zedong, not Mao Tsetung; Beijing, not Peking; Hebei, not Hopei; Xinjiang, not Sinkiang; Zhang Chunqiao, not Chang Chun-chiao. I also take the liberty of replacing Canton with the Chinese Guangzhou. However, I do not pronounce Chiang Kai-shek as Jiang Jieshi, figuring that the latter would be unfamiliar to most listeners and would cause confusion.You can find a free digital copy of this book here:https://archive.org/details/byannalouisestrongtheriseofthechinesepezlib.org/mode/1upI collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true 

In 1958, the Chinese people began a process of consolidating cooperatives into larger entities, which began to take on greater roles in governing the lives of local communities. Until their dismantlement in the early 80s, these people's communes (人民公社), as they came to be known, would become the basic units of the social organization of Chinese society, and supposedly the bedrock social unit for what would one day become full communism, organizing not only production, but medical services, infrastructure, distribution, and other social, economic and political functions. Their formation marked not only a boon in the material well-being of the Chinese people, allowing for huge strides in agriculture, health, infrastructure, and other markers of economic and social development; more abstractly, they were the cause for, and symbols of, the hope of the Chinese people for an egalitarian future, in which people would govern themselves, and the famines and inequities that plagued China for millennia would forever be things of the past.Anna Louise Strong was a US journalist and staunch defender of socialism, writing books about the Soviet Union, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China, and more, countering reactionary narratives about the successes (and failures) of socialist construction across the globe.Note on Chinese pronunciation: Chinese words and names in this text are rendered in the Wade–Giles system of romanization. This system is today considered quite outdated, and its odd and seemingly arbitrary rendering of Chinese has led to many mispronunciations from foreign speakers. I have done my best to find the readings for these words in pinyin, the far superior system of Chinese romanization, and they will be pronounced that way, if not with the correct tones. To give some examples, you will hear: Mao Zedong, not Mao Tsetung; Beijing, not Peking; Hebei, not Hopei; Xinjiang, not Sinkiang; Zhang Chunqiao, not Chang Chun-chiao. I also take the liberty of replacing Canton with the Chinese Guangzhou. However, I do not pronounce Chiang Kai-shek as Jiang Jieshi, figuring that the latter would be unfamiliar to most listeners and would cause confusion.You can find a free digital copy of this book here:https://archive.org/details/byannalouisestrongtheriseofthechinesepezlib.org/mode/1upI collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true

In 1958, the Chinese people began a process of consolidating cooperatives into larger entities, which began to take on greater roles in governing the lives of local communities. Until their dismantlement in the early 80s, these people's communes (人民公社), as they came to be known, would become the basic units of the social organization of Chinese society, and supposedly the bedrock social unit for what would one day become full communism, organizing not only production, but medical services, infrastructure, distribution, and other social, economic and political functions. Their formation marked not only a boon in the material well-being of the Chinese people, allowing for huge strides in agriculture, health, infrastructure, and other markers of economic and social development; more abstractly, they were the cause for, and symbols of, the hope of the Chinese people for an egalitarian future, in which people would govern themselves, and the famines and inequities that plagued China for millennia would forever be things of the past.Anna Louise Strong was a US journalist and staunch defender of socialism, writing books about the Soviet Union, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the People's Republic of China, and more, countering reactionary narratives about the successes (and failures) of socialist construction across the globe.Note on Chinese pronunciation: Chinese words and names in this text are rendered in the Wade–Giles system of romanization. This system is today considered quite outdated, and its odd and seemingly arbitrary rendering of Chinese has led to many mispronunciations from foreign speakers. I have done my best to find the readings for these words in pinyin, the far superior system of Chinese romanization, and they will be pronounced that way, if not with the correct tones. To give some examples, you will hear: Mao Zedong, not Mao Tsetung; Beijing, not Peking; Hebei, not Hopei; Xinjiang, not Sinkiang; Zhang Chunqiao, not Chang Chun-chiao. I also take the liberty of replacing Canton with the Chinese Guangzhou. However, I do not pronounce Chiang Kai-shek as Jiang Jieshi, figuring that the latter would be unfamiliar to most listeners and would cause confusion.You can find a free digital copy of this book here:https://archive.org/details/byannalouisestrongtheriseofthechinesepezlib.org/mode/1upI collect no fees or advertising money by sharing readings of important texts. If you would like to help cover the costs of equipment, hosting fees, and materials to allow me to continue sharing revolutionary, anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial writings, you can become a Patron at:https://www.patreon.com/natu_reads?fan_landing=true