Ii mean that so that, so, that's an argument around, you know, did what id did? Did did the counterculture just add this, was it? Was it an individualizing thing? Did it just set the ground for this sort of, like, individualizing individualism, of near liberalism, et cetera. And a, you can, you can address that by by pointing to, like, you know, that what you're talking about is the defeat of the counter culture, basically in the ninet late 19 seventies and early 19 eighties. And the symptoms of that defeat is what you 're pointing to. And then if you' actually look back to the to the to the 19 sixties and 19 seventies and the sort o practices of solidarity, in fact, you say, no, actually, like some of the high points of even this universal conception of solidarity. You know, the seventies was the high point, probably, of those universal conceptions of solidarity and those solidarity across across difference. Do you know? I mean, m so what y whatt? What people are reacting to is a defeat. Butt. We should probably give the, we should probably give that the t the counter argument, not not around m son e convalion that, butlike, you know, perhaps not even the dlue labour, perhaps the austere marxist argument. We should give it a good go. Is you trying to take it on at its best, best sort of itit is best iteration or something. Because if we go back to your three conceptions of the three stages of solidarity, which shared experiences, shared identity and then shared interests lie. If you think about theye traditional, if we, let's go back to them, to mining villages and mining communities, seen as we did the we did the the pride film, you know, that that is a, though, those, those were one of the over high points of the working class movement was, you know, mining culture in south wales, et cetera, from in the pre ou know, from the like, 19 18, nineties on through the 19 thirties, in particular, to a high point, you know, the inspiration of poi for the n h s comes from, you know, the practice of miners in tradeger in south walesis the national health service in the uk. So, e'm just tryinglateou no, hem, no, and that, but that bill's from this, this this complete and utter overlap between shared experiences, shared er er e, what wa ti, shed identity and shered, shared interest, because they were all overlapped to such a degree that it was really obvious. D you know, i mean. And so it stems from the fact that lit, you shared interests. I in in industry such as mining, which are very dangerous, and which you practically rely every day on on solidaristic practices and collectivity from the people who work around you. Because of the danger basey that provokes strong, strong practicef solidarity. And then minds tend to be in geographically isolated areas. And they tend to be based around shared, you know, one shared workplace, or at least peripheral industries relate to that workplace. They did th they did produce incredibly strong cultures of solidarity which could, which basicb led to to al conceptions of universal solidarity and like, practices of universal solidarity. So you can so basely, those things breaking down through t industrialization, et cetera. You know, that's not an imaginary thing, that those practices of solidarity did break down. But

the conditions which made them possible break down, didn't they? The conditions which made those forms of solidarity possible and produced that form of class ness, which was so exemplified by the welsh miners, broke downand it is a fantastic example, yo, the welsh yth the south wales, mine is, you know, that politically aly, at least people like us, you know, would say that indeed, it was because of their militancy and their determination that britain got a socialist national health service, rather than a social insurance model for socialized health care, which most european countries got.