5min chapter

Fareed Zakaria GPS cover image

Former Palestinian Negotiator on Trump’s Plan to ‘Take Over’ Gaza

Fareed Zakaria GPS

CHAPTER

Arab Diplomacy and Governance Challenges in Gaza

This chapter explores the evolving Arab diplomatic efforts in response to the Gaza conflict, focusing on significant meetings among leaders to establish a reconstruction plan. It also examines the complex interplay between U.S. foreign policy, Palestinian governance, and potential shifts in political relationships, hinting at broader implications for judicial authority.

00:00
Speaker 6
Until now, over the last 15, 16 months of the war, we heard a lot of slogans, but no practical ideas. Now I think Arab countries believe and feel there's a fire lit under them. And so we're starting to see very, very robust and very intensive Arab diplomacy. There's going to be a meeting on the 20th in Saudi Arabia by five or six Arab leaders to discuss these ideas. Then a week after that, we're going to have an Arab League summit. And the whole idea here is to come up with a practical, real alternative to what the president is saying, to reconstruct Gaza, but at the same time to keep Gazans at home. It's not simple, though, because it's not only a simple matter of just reconstruction. There are very, very complicated political and security questions that they have to answer. Yeah,
Speaker 1
and it's a question of who will govern Gaza at the end of the day. The Prime Minister of Israel has said it's not going to be the Palestinian Authority. Quickly, in the final few seconds, what is Saudi's role in all of this? The president wants normalization and a defense deal between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, normalization between Israel and Saudi. And they are firm in saying that there should be no displacement of Palestinians outside of Gaza.
Speaker 6
The Saudi role is going to be central. And we see it by the fact that Saudi is convening everyone, etc. The president does want normalization between Israel and Saudi, cap up his Abraham Accords. This gives the Saudis a lot of leverage. And the Saudis have been very, very clear they do not want that. Again, however, they have to come up with something practical. And by the way, the Saudis and other Arab countries also don't want to see Hamas governing Gaza. How do you manage this is going to be the biggest challenge that they have. No
Speaker 1
doubt. Gaze Alamari, thank you so much. We appreciate it.
Speaker 5
Thank you. Up
Speaker 1
next on GPS, is America headed towards a constitutional crisis? I'll ask a legal expert when we come back.
Speaker 7
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Speaker 3
you ever spotted McDonald's hot, crispy fries right as they're being scooped into the carton? And time just stands still. Ba-da
Speaker 1
In less than a month, President Trump has attempted to freeze all federal grants and loans, ordered the termination of birthright citizenship, taken a sledgehammer to the regulatory state, fired federal workers without a mind to their legal protections, and all but dismantled USAID. Some of these actions have been blocked, at least temporarily, by the courts. But will they continue to be? And if they are, will Trump defy court orders? That would be a constitutional crisis. Joining me now to discuss all of this is Quinta Jurecic, a fellow at the Brookings Institution and a senior editor at Lawfare. Quinta, it is good to see you. So we should note that President Trump in his first term never actually defied a court order. He publicly disparaged and personally attacked judges, but he didn't defy their rulings. Why are you concerned that that may not be the case during a second term? As
Speaker 3
you say, Trump really abided by the authority of the court during his first term. He would complain. He would post on Twitter about so-called judges, but he never tried to outright ignore a court order. This time, though, I think we're seeing a lot of rhetoric that is deeply concerning around this issue. We have seen Vice President J.D. Vance, for example, tweet something that doesn't outright say, but certainly hints that the administration, if it decides that the judiciary is intruding on what Vance referred to as the executive's legitimate power, might simply go its own way and decide to completely set aside an order of the court.

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