Examining Elite Responsibility in Contemporary America

Once upon a time, it was very easy for the American left to determine progress. The working class was good, the traditional left knew, and so progress meant embracing the economic and cultural interests of that class. Today, however, in our age of authoritarian populism in which part, at least, of the (white) working class appears nostalgic for the economics and culture of industrial America, things aren’t quite as self-evident. As both David Masciotra and Soli Ozel note, then, this leftist dilemma is that of nostalgia versus progress. This tension, these progressive thinkers note, is exemplified in the work of the American sociologist Christopher Lasch, which simultaneously critiques elite betrayal while romanticizing traditionally male and even religious working-class virtues that may never have really existed. It’s the Lasch paradox. Contemporary progressives face an uncomfortable reality: delivering material benefits—whether healthcare, jobs, or infrastructure—doesn't automatically translate into electoral support or, dare I say it, the strengthening of democratic values. The puzzle deepens, Ozel and Masciotra agree, when considering that Trump's base includes not just struggling communities but also affluent exurban voters. Perhaps the real challenge isn't choosing between nostalgia and progress, but reimagining what progress means in a post-industrial capitalist society where traditional class-based politics no longer provide clear moral or strategic guidance for building the kind of sustainable democratic coalitions created by progressive Presidents from FDR to Obama.

1. The Lasch Paradox: Accurate Diagnosis, Flawed Prescription Christopher Lasch correctly identified elite failure and betrayal of democratic institutions, but his romanticization of working-class civic virtue ignored the reality of racism, sexism, and authoritarianism within those communities.

2. Material Benefits ≠ Political Loyalty Progressive policies that demonstrably improve people's lives—from Obamacare to renewable energy investments—don't automatically translate into electoral support, challenging traditional left assumptions about economic determinism.

3. Trump's Base Is More Complex Than "Economic Anxiety" Significant portions of Trump supporters are middle-to-upper-middle class exurban voters, not just struggling working-class communities, complicating narratives about purely economic motivations for populist support.

4. Corporate Capital's Role in Democratic Erosion Major corporations and tech leaders, despite initial opposition to Trump, ultimately supported his return through funding and institutional backing, demonstrating how economic interests can override stated democratic values.

5. The Progressive Coalition Crisis The left faces a fundamental challenge: how to build sustainable democratic coalitions when traditional class-based politics no longer provide clear guidance, and when moral righteousness often alienates potential allies while failing to win elections.

Some post show thoughts from David Masciotra: Now that I had more time to think about it, I would add the following about Mamdani: I am disturbed by the allegations of antisemitism, and some of the inconsistencies in his moral positions (he condemns politicians who visit Israel, but enjoys time at his family's residence in Uganda, a country that executes gays). As Soli suggested, let's leave that aside. While I support the programs that Soli highlighted - free bus rides, creative solutions to food deserts - the DSA agenda has failed in other cities. For example, Chicago has its own version of Mamdani right now - Brandon Johnson. His approval rating is around 20 percent, because he hasn't delivered on the economic promises, but he has introduced eccentric ideas for fighting crime, to put it mildly, and implemented some unhelpful policies in the school system. The city council in LA is dominated by DSA members. They've also failed miserably. I would like to see a return of the "sewer socialism" of Milwaukee progressives from the early 20th century. They were very practical - improving the sewer system, creating vast public parks, expanding public health and public education services. In Chicago and LA, the DSA pairs its rational and helpful economic agenda with ideological excess that, invariably, creates dysfunction and alienates voters.

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